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The term “black” anarchist has been thrown around recently in a number of international milieux and journals. Indeed during the last few years of my travels throughout North and South America and Europe I have noted repeated attempts to define, through action and theory, the ideas associated with black anarchy. Following is a brief, incomplete outline of some of the more common aspects of what black anarchists think and do. These tendencies are numbered for convenience, and not to show priority or importance.

Red Excursus: I will not discuss “red” anarchy as it seems well defined by the collectivist, syndicalist, communist variants of anarchist ideas that were developed more than a hundred years ago and still enjoy a great deal of popularity and adherents. I emphasize that I don’t see the two various strains as being mutually exclusive, opposed, or even necessarily very different at the macro level. The old sectarianism and exclusion, a gnawing symptom of Marxism and the Social Democracy, plays no role in this essay. I am attempting to describe and provide some topography to a growing, relatively new agreement among a particular group of my comrades, in doing so I support and encourage those who follow different anarchist ideas and paths. No one is wrong, no one is right. The best we can hope for is clarity, not hegemony.

1) Violence

In this context violence is defined as a tactic, whether applied to insurrection, riot, attentat, or simple refusal. There is an almost overwhelming consensus among the black anarchists that the use of violence is necessary, indeed desirable, perhaps essential. The international growth of the various FA(I)-IRF cells, the example of the Greek CCF and Revolutionary Struggle, the concomitant growth of the non-anarchist but equally engaging actions of the eco-extremists in Mexico, Chile and Brazil, and the myriad anonymous burnings, ATM destruction, and attacks that populate the current global anarchist media echo this resonance. Whether it is the Molotov arching gracefully through the night air, the flaming barricade, or the flagpole—turned truncheon—crashing into fascist bone, the black anarchist greets all with approval.

2) Individualist

There is a strong individualist strain in black anarchism, mostly as a function of activity and less due to long nights breathlessly reading Stirner. In essence when engaged in actions it’s easier to work in small groups, and sometimes alone rather than attempt to build large or even medium sized organizations. These small groups which I’ll call teams, a word taken from our Athenian comrades, bring into clear relief the importance of individual initiative, they decentralize decision and action, they emphasize clearly that while there is no I in team, there is an “m” and an “e.”

3) Nihilist

In this instance, nihilism I’ll interpret as the realpolitik of anarchism in 2017—all the various ideas, concepts and conceits of an anarchist victory via revolution or insurrection in the current context are nothing more than political heroin. Once this simple, obvious fact is accepted there are two courses, resignation and lassitude or savage attack without any real hope of success. The black anarchist chooses the latter, always.

4) Illegalist

A part of the black anarchist consensus is the desire to completely reject any compromise or cooperation with nation-state, Capital, and markets. Leading many in the milieu to undertake consciously political illegal activity. This varies from place to place but includes the positive activities of squatting, occupations, shoplifting, out-right store robbery, burglary and more. In terms of negative activities this new variant of illegalism includes refusal of all taxes, tolls, welfare, NGO handouts, and state-run free clinics.

5) Informal Organization

There is a real and healthy fear among the black anarchists of formal organization. The anti-organizational tendency is not new in the historical anarchist milieu, nor in the various anarchisms that saw first light since the 1970s in the USA, Canada, and parts of Western Europe. The open espousal of informal, temporary structures and limited adherence to organizational tenets is, however, very new. This loosening of the organizational form, the inclusionary laissez-faire stance adopted by black anarchists and their organizations may be one of the tendencies most lasting contributions. In most historical cases anarchists have constructed organizations that virtually ooze the ideas and characteristics of the dominant society. In a few short years the black anarchists have done a great deal of theoretical violence to such organizational nonsense, in the future I hope they do more.

This outline of black anarchism is brief, incomplete, and a piece of journalism, not conjecture. This is what I saw, what I experienced in the past several years visiting and working with anarchists on three continents. It is both memoriam and prospectus.

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15 years old when she slept with AB (37)

with 14 arrested along with a number of other young anarchists at a meeting to discuss whether Leon Czolgosz was an anarchist

lifelong friendship with AB

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Vom Heroin zum HipHop: Andrej Gelassimows „RussenRap“ erzählt von einer harten Jugend im russischen Süden, ohne sentimentale Verklärung.
Geschichte eines russischen Rappers: Heroin und Snickers

“NE TRAVAILLEZ JAMAIS!” (Don’t ever work!)

Gustavo Rodríguez - Who do the passionate communards work for?

An apology for permanent insurrection

I will become a worker: such is the idea that stops me, when the mad rages push me towards the battle of Paris – where, however, so many workers continue to die while I write to you! Work now, never again. [1]


Since 1871 – the year in which the “accursed poet” wrote this letter -, it was not necessary to be a “diviner” to see the obvious: the masses of workers who fought on the barricades in Paris continued to work. That “wildcat strike” in front of the Versailles authority was, in turn, a new job that produced new obligations and condemned them to perpetuate work in saecula saeculorum. Such a profound reflection, in the midst of a necromancing trance, probably prompted Rimbaud to ask himself the question: who were the passionate communards working for?, thereby prophesising a system of domination based on direct democracy as the axis of political-social management, which ensured the permanence of the authority and the continuity of work.

That is why his furious rejection (never again!) of the process of human alienation, aware that total liberation “consists in reaching the unknown”;[2] the only escape route from the cultural market to which he was forced to sell his “merchandise.” Perhaps for this reason, for Bakunin – with his subversive spirit and lustful irreverence – those seventy-odd days of generalised insurrection were an endless party and not an exhausting shift of social construction; as well as for the courageous pétroleuses who enjoyed the fleeting moments of the spring of 1871 as an orgasmic apotheosis of fire and sedition. While for Engels, that event expressed the “most vivid example of the dictatorship of the proletariat”, envisioning the future utility of the working mass.

The historical slogan of the Marxians (“abolition of wage labor!”), still reverberates these days reiterated by their own and by others – with regrettable acceptance in our camp –, as if the miserable economic retribution of the exploitation of our physical and intellectual force was the problem, and not work itself, forgetting the origin of the word. Although an etymology is not the Truth (with a capital letter) but an allegory that at the time allowed us to describe a specific reality constituting the vision of the world in our mind, it is truly revealing what the word “work” represented in different historical periods history.

The words “trabajo” (in Spanish), “travail” (French), “trabalho” (Portuguese), “traballo” (Galician), “Trabayu” (Asturian) and, “treball” (in Catalan and Valencian), derive from the vulgar Latin tripalium: an instrument of torture similar to stocks that consisted of “three posts” “to which the person who received the torment was tied. Hence the meaning of tripaliare: “torture”, “torment” or “provoked pain”.[3]

If etymologically the expression “forced labor” is a kind of pleonasm; under the phrase “wage labor”, the nonsense of the term is exposed, unless it is a question of enthusiastic masochists who consequently refuse to charge for being tortured. Not to mention those peculiar beings so well tamed who love work, far exceeding the narrative of Von Sacher-Masoch, with the forgiveness from all lovers of inflicting pain on themselves (at will) with pleasant results, reconciling the tension between pleasure and death in a profound alteration of time itself.[4]

It’s not by chance that Debord’s psychogeographic incursions –four years before founding the Situationist International–, concluded with a graffito near the Seine with the inscription “NE TRAVAILLEZ JAMAIS!” (Don’t ever work!), taking up Rimbaud’s battle cry, recharged by the piercing sharp intuition of the Dadaist negation “contre tout et tous” (against everything and everyone) and the “war against work” of the surrealist movement. Nor is it the result of mere coincidence that at the end of the seventies, comrade Alfredo Bonanno and the most courageous anarchic sectors of Italy, focused their struggle on the destruction of work, after the experience of the explosive May of 1977, giving free rein to the insurrectionary theses in the face of anarcho-syndicalist immobility and the degeneration of synthesis libertarianism.

By contrast, Marxists of all denominations – Social Democrats, Spartacists/Luxembourgists, Councilists, Leninists (Trotskyists, Stalinists, Maoists and other sub-species), workerists, autonomists, libertarian socialists, and anarcho-syndicalists – postpone the destruction of work and the consequent destruction of the economy, placing the programme of consolidation of workers’ power (communist/anarchist) before the moment of emancipation, stimulating the development of the productive forces and limiting themselves to managing or “self-managing” – in the case of libertarian syndicalists and councilists – the economy, ensuring the development of Capital. From this (short-sighted) vision, not even the situationists would be exempt. Debord himself would take back the valiant graffito, opting to promote industrial automation (first) and the “society of Councils” (later). Vaneigem would not shed his Marxian DNA either, leaning towards the “Workers Councils” (first) and generalized self-management (later).

This myopic focus undoubtedly obstructs the anarchic aim of demolishing all that exists. Such a conception, instead of putting an end to the so-called “fundamental contradiction” (capital-labour), destroying labour and the economy and, as a result, Capital, poses a false dilemma between the management of the economy by the “bourgeoisie” and the management/self-management of the “proletariat”. In this way, it chooses the form over the content, giving way to a “self-managed capitalism” (as happened in the anarcho-syndicalist revolution after the fascist coup of 1936, in Spain) or the imposition of “State capitalism” (Russia 1917, China 1949, Cuba 1959, Nicaragua 1979 …).

“Jeder nach seinen Fähigkeiten, jedem nach seinen Bedürfnissen” (From each according to his abilities, to each according to his needs) is the aphorism that Saint Charlie of Trier makes his own – after plagiarising Étienne Cabet and Louis Blanc – announcing the arrival of the “higher phase” of communism, once the guiding principle of the “dictatorship of the proletariat” is surpassed (“To each according to his contribution” or, in other words, “he who does not work does not eat”), an indefinite period of time where, far from being abolished, the working-class condition is generalised, exacerbating the exploitation of workers in the efficient production of a “better future”. What in practice translates into more of the same, that is, in the continuation of Capital through supposedly revolutionary means implemented around the division between leaders and those who obey.

What do contemporary revolts produce? Who do the passionate communards of our day work for? These are probably the initial generating questions that help us to formulate new questions and to list doubts, fears, reflections and proposals, untangling the black threads of our historicity. In this way and only in this way, will we be able to weave the new plot and the warp of the coming struggles. That black fabric will take on the polymorphic body that we will grant it without following old patterns. We will no longer have to continue mending that archaic cloth that was made a century and a half ago on the spinning wheel and loom. That fabric had its own time. The new anarchic plots can only come about in a disruptive way, from an ethos that reaffirms the necessary destruction of work and the power of liberating fire. To continue in the repetition and the current stagnation, could take us back in history: to the imposition of global fascism (brown and/or red).

We must sharpen our senses to know how to distinguish the smells and keep a watch on what is cooking. The aroma of the fire will always tell us what is cooking. It is not a question of rejecting the dish once it is served but of interrupting its cooking. The sulphurous aroma of the combustion of oil and its derivatives, causes an unmistakable olfactory sensation that incites a certain transitory state of euphoria and unconsciously sends us a succession of associated images that produce infinite pleasure: a burning precinct, a prison reduced to ashes, a conglomerate of charred antennas, a torched patrol car or a beautiful charred shopping centre. This becoming-fire –which lights up the night– causes a liberating commotion that no other means, no war machine, can bring about. A gesture is innovated that makes anarchy perceptible through the flames of devastation.

[1] Rimbaud, Arthur, Illuminations, Letters from the seer, Ediciones Hiperión, Madrid, 1995.

[2] Id.

[3] The word “work” has three European roots that have allowed the semantic accommodation of the term in different languages: Ergon in Greek, Laborare in Latin and the forgotten Tripalium (also in Latin, but with a much darker origin). In English, the word “work” is associated with the Latin root of the word Laborare which means “labour”, although its literal translation would be “difficult labour”, hence the expression “labour” (as in childbirth). This Latin root is the origin of a variety of words, including “collaborate” and “elaborate.” Hannah Arendt makes use of this etymological root to justify work, arguing that it has a role in the “process of vital fertility” (La Condition Humana, Paidós, Barcelona, ??1993). In fact, it is evident that there is an abysmal difference between the words Tripalium and Laborare (or Ergon in Greek) and, it is rooted in the ancestral social (and sexual) division of labour with the arrival of agriculture: a sector “destined” to fulfil the painful obligation of work (Tripalium), losing all freedom; and another, “chosen” for creative work (Laborare) in full freedom.
In Europe, there is evidence of the punitive use of the tripallium at least until the year 578, while in America the use of this instrument of torture is documented in the decade of the eighties of the nineteenth century and in Mauritania it is still used to “discipline” slaves and (particularly) female slaves who refuse to comply with the demands of their masters despite the fact that slavery was abolished by law in 1981.”

[4] Freeman, Elizabeth, Time Binds: Queer Temporalities, Queer Histories, Duke University Press, Durham, 2010.

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I spit on your red flag, whether with hammer and sickle or swastika! 🖕🏼



scheiße, leute :: das ist doch scheinheilige scheiße :: natürlich unterstützt ihr staat und armee. "nicht direkt" , "keine alternative" ? scheiße !

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Unbekannte attackieren Bürgerbüro von Berlins Innensenatorin 

In Biesdorf wurde das Bezirksbüro von Iris Spranger angegriffen. Ein Fenster wurde beschädigt, auf die Fassade ein Spruch gegen die Kotti-Wache geschmiert. Der Streit um eine Polizeiwache am Kottbusser Tor eskaliert – jetzt gehen die Gegner der Kotti-Wache o…

#Presseartikel #Gentrifizierung #Polizei #Repression

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Warum gibt es so wenig Interesse mal Mutual Aid Strukturen vor Ort aufzubauen man, es ist echt Stressig.
Was habt ihr von der hundertsten Demo für irgendne nebensache, die die Leute im Viertel Null juckt.

Falls jemand aus Westfalen kommt und sich angesprochen fühlt, sehr gerne melden!

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Anarchist individualism as we understand it – and I say we because a substantial handful of friends think this like me – is hostile to every school and every party, every churchly and dogmatic moral, as well as every more or less academic imbecility. Every form of discipline, rule and pedantry is repulsive to the sincere nobility of our vagabond and rebellious restlessness!

Individualism is, for us, creative force, immortal youth, exalting beauty, redemptive and fruitful war. It is the marvelous apotheosis of the flesh and the tragic epic of the spirit. Our logic is that of not having any. Our ideal is the categorical negation of all other ideals for the greatest and supreme triumph of the actual, real, instinctive, reckless and merry life! For us perfection is not a dream, an ideal, a riddle, a mystery, a sphinx, but a vigorous and powerful, luminous and throbbing reality. All human beings are perfect in themselves. All they lack is the heroic courage of their perfection. Since the time that human beings first believed that life was a duty, a calling, a mission, it has meant shame for their power of being, and in following phantoms, they have denied themselves and distanced themselves from the real. When Christ said to human beings: “be yourselves, perfection is in you!” he launched a superb phrase that is the supreme synthesis of life.

It is useless that the bigots, theologians and philosophers do their utmost with deceitful and dialectical sophisms to give a false interpretation to Christ’s words. But when Christ speaks this way to human beings, he disavows his entire calling to renunciation, to a mission and to faith, and all the rest of his doctrine collapses miserably in the mud, knocked down by he himself. And here, and here alone, is Christ’s great tragedy. Let human beings open their misty eyes in the blinding sun of this truth, and they will find themselves face to face with their true and laughing redemption.

This is the ethical part individualism, neither romantically mystical, nor idealistically monastic, neither moral, nor immoral, but amoral, wild, furious and warlike, that keeps its luminous roots voluptuously rooted in the phosphorescent perianth of pagan nature, and its verdant foliage resting on the purple mouth of virgin life.


To every form of human Society that would try to impose renunciations and artificial sorrow on our anarchic and rebellious I, thirsting for free and exulting expansion, we will respond with a roaring and sacrilegious howl of dynamite.

To all those demagogues of politics and of philosophy that carry in their pockets a beautiful system made by mortgaging a corner of the future, we respond with Bakunin: Oafs and weaklings! Every duty that they would like to impose on us we will furiously trample under our sacrilegious feet. Every shady phantom that they would place before our eyes, greedy for light, we will angrily rip up with our daringly profaning hands. Christ was ashamed of his own doctrine and he broke it first. Friedrich Nietzsche was afraid of his overhuman and made it die in the midst of his agonizing animals, asking pity of the higher man. But we are neither afraid nor ashamed of the liberated Human Being.

We exalt Prometheus, the sacrilegious thief who stole the eternal spark from Jove’s heaven to animate the man of clay, and we glorify Hercules, the powerful, liberating hero.


Pagan nature has placed a Prometheus in the mind of every mortal human being, and a Hercules in the brain of every thinker. But morality, that disgusting enchantress of philosophers, peoples and humanity, has glorified and sanctified the vulture exalting it as divine justice, and divine justice, which Comte humanized, has condemned the Hero.

The Human Being of furrow and the thinker have trembled before this baleful phantom and courage has remained defeated under the enormous weight of fear.

But anarchist individualism is a brilliant and fatal torch that casts light into the darkness into the realm of fear and puts to flight the phantoms of Divine justice that Comte humanized.

Individualism is the free and unconstrained song that reconnects the individual to the eternal and universal pan-dynamism, that is neither moral nor immoral, but that is everything. Nature; and Life! What is Life? Depths and peaks, instinct and reason, light and darkness, mud and beauty, joy and sorrow. Disavowal of the past, domination of the present, longing and yearning for the future.

Life is all this. And all this is also individualism. Who seeks to escape Life? Who dares to deny it?


The Social Revolution is the sudden awakening of Prometheus after a fall into a faint of sorrow caused by the foul vulture that rips his heart to shreds. It is an attempt at self-liberation. But the chains with which the sinister god Jove had him chained on the Caucasus by the repugnant servant Vulcan cannot be broken except by the Titanic rebel Hero, son of Jove himself.

We rebel children of this putrid humanity that has chained human beings in the dogmatic mud of social superstitions will never miss bringing our tremendous axe blow down on the rusty links of this hateful chain.

Yes, we anarchist individualists are for Social Revolution, but in our way, it’s understood!


The revolt of the individual against society is not given by that of the masses against governments. Even when the masses submit to governments, living in the sacred and shameful peace of their resignation, the anarchist individual lives against society because he is in a never-ending and irreconcilable war with it, but when, at a historical turning point, he comes together with the masses in revolt, he raises his black flag with them and throws his dynamite with them.

The anarchist individualist is in the Social Revolution, not as a demagogue, but as a inciting element, not as an apostle, but as a living, effective, destructive force...

All past revolutions were in the end, bourgeois and conservative. That which flashes on the red horizon of our magnificently tragic time will have for its aim the fierce socialist humanism. We, anarchist individualists, will enter into the revolution for an exclusive need of our own to set fire to and incite spirits. To make sure that, as Stirner says, it is not a new revolution that approaches, but rather an immense, proud, reckless, shameless, conscienceless crime that rumbles with the lightning on the horizon, and beneath which the sky, swollen with foreboding, grows dark and silent. And Ibsen: “There’s only one revolution I recognize – that was truly, thoroughly radical – ... I’m referring to the ancient Flood! That one alone was truly serious. But even then the devil lost his due: you know Noah took up the dictatorship. Let’s make this revolution again, but more thoroughly. It requires real men as well as orators. So you bring on the roaring waters, I’ll supply the powder keg to blow up the ark.”

Now since dictatorship will be – alas! – inevitable in the somber global revolution that sends its bleak glow from the east over our black cowardice, the ultimate task of we anarchist individualists will be that of blowing up the final ark with bomb explosions and the final dictator with Browning shots. The new society established, we will return to its margins to live our lives dangerously as noble criminals and audacious sinners! Because the anarchist individualist still means eternal renewal, in the field of art, thought and action.

Anarchist individualism still means eternal revolt against eternal sorrow, the eternal search for new springs of life, joy and beauty. And we will still be such in Anarchy.

- written under the name of Mario Ferrento

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RT @DLFNachrichten
"Der #Klimawandel wird auch als billige Ausrede für Untätigkeit missbraucht." 8. schwerer Sandsturm seit Mitte April in Irak und Syrien mit Toten und Erstickungsanfällen. Umweltschützer kritisieren Behörden. #Irak #sandstorm #Syrien #Klimakrise #Duerre

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